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Russia and the Taliban: A Strategic Embrace After Decades of Conflict

  • Writer: Armin Sijamić
    Armin Sijamić
  • Jul 23
  • 4 min read

In August 2021, the U.S. military withdrew from Afghanistan, and the Taliban entered Kabul. A new war in that part of the world seemed imminent. But instead of weapons, Russia and China chose diplomacy.

Men in camouflage and traditional attire hold rifles in a rural setting. They appear engaged in conversation, set against mud buildings and trees.
Photo: Illustration

The news that Moscow officially recognized the Taliban government—a movement it once fought and designated a terrorist organization—might have been headline news globally, had the West not, shortly before, helped bring Ahmed al-Sharaa, a former member of ISIS and al-Qaeda, to power in Syria and later lifted sanctions against him.


That’s why there was no outrage over Russian President Vladimir Putin rehabilitating a terrorist movement, but rather a simple acknowledgment that Russia became the first country to officially recognize the Taliban government, now called the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan.


The Americans Exit, the Russians and Chinese Step In


Russia’s rapprochement with the Taliban began earlier, while the Americans were still withdrawing and Bashar al-Assad—Moscow's client—was ruling in Damascus.


The chaotic-looking U.S. withdrawal was calculated, not just because the military was exhausted from a war it couldn’t win. The Afghan people paid the price. The Taliban didn’t interfere as transport planes hauled away whatever the Americans wanted. Then-presidential candidate Donald Trump called the exit a disaster, claiming billions of dollars worth of equipment were left behind.


President Joe Biden, continuing a policy also pursued by Trump, knew what he was doing and what the consequences might be. For decades, U.S. troops fought wars in Russia and China’s backyard, bearing the burden of suppressing various armed groups. Washington decided it was time others—especially adversaries—took on that role, hoping they might fall into the same trap.


Stability in the region is of vital interest to Russia, China, Iran, India, Pakistan, and Central Asian states. However, peace is essential to tap into the region’s vast resources. Yet the Taliban, who fought both American and Soviet troops, have not been passive.


The wealth of Afghanistan is detailed in a 2010 U.S. diplomatic cable published by The New York Times, describing it as the "Saudi Arabia of lithium." The country holds reserves of oil, natural gas, minerals, gemstones, gold, marble... By 2010, U.S. researchers had found mineral deposits worth $1 trillion; some believe reserves are up to three times greater. Many regions remain unexplored.


Afghanistan borders Iran, China, and Central Asia via Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Tajikistan—Russia’s sphere of influence. It also borders Pakistan and the disputed region of Kashmir.


Had U.S. plans succeeded, it would have been a geopolitical disaster for Russia and China—not only because of the resources. Central Asia is strategically vital to Russia for its security and influence in Asia. Ethnic conflict could easily ignite the region. For China, Afghanistan borders Xinjiang province via the Wakhan Corridor—the gateway to the Belt and Road Initiative.


Thus, it was in Russia and China’s interest that the U.S. maintained control but not dominance over the region. Both powers feared that conflict might spill over from Afghanistan. China was particularly concerned about the Uyghurs, a Muslim minority in Xinjiang, if the Taliban chose to support their brethren.


Diplomacy Instead of Brute Force


To avoid regional unrest post-U.S. withdrawal, Russia chose to reset its relationship with the Taliban, despite the USSR's past defeat at their hands—a defeat that hastened the Soviet collapse. Russia extended a hand, and the Taliban welcomed it.


Russia was one of the few countries that kept its embassy open in Kabul in 2021, and the following year signed deals with the Taliban to supply oil, gas, and wheat—even though the group had been designated a terrorist organization in Russia since 2003.


To elevate the relationship, Putin appointed Zamir Kabulov as special envoy for Afghanistan. Kabulov had served in Kabul 40 years earlier and was Russia’s ambassador there from 2005–2009. Long an advocate for engagement with the Taliban—even during their banned status in Russia—Kabulov's appointment signals the mission’s significance.


In the West, Russia’s move was seen as Putin’s attempt to reduce Moscow’s isolation after the invasion of Ukraine. In June 2023, Russia invited the Taliban to its economic forum in St. Petersburg. But back in 2022, Russia was the first country to sign an international economic agreement with the Taliban—sending oil, gas, and wheat.


In April, Sergei Naryshkin, head of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (SVR), accused Western agencies of plotting rebellion against the Taliban to destabilize Afghanistan. He praised the Taliban’s state-building efforts and foresaw inevitable international recognition. He claimed the West sought to maintain instability in Afghanistan to pursue its own geopolitical interests—as it had done in Syria, Iraq, and Africa.


Soon after, Russia removed the Taliban from its list of terrorist organizations, and three months later became the first country to officially recognize their government—despite countries like China, Iran, India, Qatar, and Pakistan already maintaining informal relations. From 1996 to 2001, only Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Pakistan recognized the first Taliban government.


Anti-Washington, With Chinese Backing


Russia has thus come full circle in its relationship with the Taliban. Once enemies in war, the Taliban even recognized Chechnya’s independence—the only regime to do so. Now, in 2025, Moscow recognizes them as partners.


Some Russian goals are strategic: Expel U.S. influence from Afghanistan and Central Asia, support the Taliban against ISIS and other groups, curb outside interference, suppress arms and drug trafficking, launch economic projects and

most notably, a planned gas pipeline from Russia to Southeast Asia—long discussed—has been greenlit by the Taliban, which promises them much-needed income.


China also supports integrating the Taliban into regional frameworks. It began projects in Afghanistan, including oil extraction in the Amu Darya Basin in 2023. For China, Afghanistan is not just about resources; it's a land link to Pakistan and Iran, enabling trade routes that bypass seas controlled by the U.S. and counter encirclement by rival India.


Russia’s plan is simple: placate and integrate the Taliban into regional structures—formally or informally—to block influence from hostile powers.


Other nations, as well as the Taliban themselves, also seek to end the war. Today’s Taliban leadership has fought for decades. Their messages upon entering Kabul were conciliatory—willing to cooperate as long as others don’t interfere in their politics.


Russia sees this as a window of opportunity. It knows who the Taliban are, what values they uphold, and why the West won’t engage. After all, when Moscow once tried to conquer them by force, it was soundly defeated.



The article was previously published on nap.ba.


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