From Protest to Confrontation: Macut's Mandate Against the Student Movement

Student protests in Serbia have lasted for almost six months, toppling the government but not the power of Aleksandar Vučić. In defending his rule, refusing to meet the demands of students and the citizens supporting them, Vučić has decided to form a new Serbian government, to be led by Đuro Macut.

Photo: Đuro Macut

When citizens and students took to the streets after fourteen people died in the collapse of a canopy at the renovated train station in Novi Sad—a number that later grew—few could have imagined that this would threaten the position of Aleksandar Vučić and his Serbian Progressive Party (SNS).

Those hoping for the end of Vučić’s rule believed it would come from his policies on Kosovo, or his ambivalent stance in the West–Russia conflict. The opposition tried unsuccessfully for years to exploit the cracks in these policies.

Analysts of the political landscape in Serbia were convinced that external pressure and Kosovo policy would be decisive in Vučić’s fall. None of them considered the students a threat.

Within a few months, students disrupted the plans of both the government and the opposition. They toured Serbia, organized rallies, protests, and blockades, awakening their fellow citizens and liberating them from fear of the regime. The government’s disorientation in handling the students is shown by their attempts to mimic student actions—an own goal. If Vučić could openly side with Russia, it wouldn't be surprising if he ordered his supporters to walk to the Kremlin, imitating the students cycling to Strasbourg.

An Endocrinologist in Politics

The opposition’s confusion—and the claim that parts of it work for the government—gives Vučić room to gain support from both the West and Russia. Sometimes the opposition waves Russian flags, other times they call for help from Brussels. The student rally on March 15 was a message to both the government and the opposition.

Thus, the new Serbian government is a forced maneuver by Vučić. Đuro Macut, a little-known figure to the public but a respected expert in endocrinology, was named prime minister. He is also one of the founders of a movement Vučić plans to activate—possibly as a replacement for SNS.

During the parliamentary debate on the government’s formation, opposition leader Zdravko Ponoš said Macut, based on his credentials, might be fit to run a hospital or clinical center—but not to be prime minister. Ponoš is likely right. However, that doesn’t mean Macut will focus only on healthcare. In his inaugural address, Macut announced his priority would be restoring normal operations in schools and universities—essentially, signaling a crackdown on students and striking professors.

A clear sign he has picked a side was his appearance at the “students who want to study” camp in downtown Belgrade—a camp the opposition claims has few real students. Even that single task is a lot for someone who has devoted his life to medicine, especially given that Serbia is in a state of popular revolt and on the brink of conflict.

New and Old Ministers: Stanković, Bratina, and the Students

This week, students began blocking Serbia’s public media service, including Serbia and Vojvodina’s television networks. They are demanding either professional media coverage or for the channels to be shut down. Radio Television of Serbia (RTS) is especially under fire, with its headquarters surrounded for days by both police and students.

RTS has become a key battleground between the government and the students. It seems students have already won some ground, as Macut (or Vučić) made strange choices for the new ministers of education and information.

The new education minister is Dejan Vuk Stanković, a political analyst who stated he would use force against students. Additionally, there are allegations he sexually harassed female students at the Faculty of Education in Belgrade.

The new minister of information and telecommunications is Boris Bratina, a professor at the relocated University of Priština in Kosovska Mitrovica. Bratina is known to the public as a member of the organization SNP1389, which recently allied with the Naši movement. SNP1389 advocates for “unification of all Serbian lands,” denies the Srebrenica genocide, seeks an alliance with Russia, and views the West as evil. Videos have circulated online showing Bratina burning the EU flag.

Although some believe Bratina is replacing ousted minister Aleksandar Vulin and that this is another Vučić trick to appeal to the far-right, it’s worth noting that Vučić recently said Macut’s government would continue Serbia’s path toward the EU—EU-whatever that means.

Several ministers from the previous government remain: Marko Đurić as foreign minister, Ivica Dačić as interior minister, Dubravka Đedović Handanović as minister of mining and energy, Bratislav Gašić as defense minister, Zlatibor Lončar as health minister, and Nikola Selaković as minister of culture.

Rallies in Belgrade and Novi Pazar – Two Different Politics

The government’s formation had a prelude. Vučić brought people from across the Balkans to Belgrade to demonstrate his popularity. Serbian media reported that some were paid to attend and provided with food, drinks, and concerts. Still, the April 11 rally wasn’t a victory for Vučić—it was much smaller than the March 15 student protest. In this showdown of popularity, the students prevailed, though Vučić again proved he has a team capable of mobilizing diverse groups.

Vučić acknowledged growing societal fragmentation and is searching for new voters. The entertainment at the rally, featuring Baja Mali Knindža and a speech by Milorad Dodik, shows he is counting on support from Serbs in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Montenegro. Given that citizenship has recently been granted to many Serbs living outside Serbia, a significant share of future votes could come from abroad. The rally was titled “We Won’t Give Up Serbia.”

On the other side, students held another rally, this time in mostly Bosniak-populated Novi Pazar. The local hosts welcomed them warmly, and tens of thousands took to the streets. A new defeat for Vučić and his radical-nationalist politics, which in the '90s brought death and destruction across the region, came in the form of footage from Novi Pazar—youth born just before Vučić left Šešelj’s party making every effort to erase divisions.

Proof of the students’ success is the lack of backlash over a banner in Novi Pazar, attributed to Bosniak “nationalists” and “autonomists.” Locals said on social media the banner appeared near a police station.

Macut’s Mission and the Students’ Isolation

Some see Macut’s government as a continuation of the previous one. His address supports this. However, there are urgent matters he must address. Student protests continue, even though Vučić declared victory over the “color revolution.” Their demands from November remain unmet. The case of the public broadcaster suggests more demands may follow—and if students succeed, other dissatisfied groups could join the strike and rebellion.

Vučić is counting on the protests fading and elections being held. Macut’s task is to prepare for those elections and lead the government until then. Under current rules, no one can beat Vučić at the polls, so a key question is whether the opposition will participate.

But Vučić has no real plan for ending the rebellion that began in November. Hundreds of thousands at the rallies have rejected both the government and the opposition. The lack of protest leadership allows Vučić to stay in power and gives his party a strong position in any future election.

This is why Vučić has returned to an old Belgrade strategy—exporting and internationalizing the crisis. His relationship with Milorad Dodik and the attack on Bosnia and Herzegovina’s constitutional order shows another card in play. Simultaneously, the weak opposition gives him space to once again present himself to foreign powers as the Balkans’ stabilizer. The newly elected EU enlargement commissioner, Marta Kos, has taken the bait.

At the end of last month, Kos defended Brussels’ approach to Serbia. “Who else am I supposed to talk to... to keep Serbia on its EU path?” she said in response to a journalist’s question about meeting Vučić just four days after the March 15 protest, where participants and the opposition claimed a type of sonic weapon was used.

In that interview, Kos said, “What the demonstrators and students are asking from Serbia is the same as what the European Commission is demanding,”—including urgent media reforms. This means Bratina will be the EU’s interlocutor, just as Chetnik voivode Andrija Mandić was recently accepted on Montenegro’s path to Brussels.

The West’s silence on protests in Serbia pleases the Kremlin. Vučić brought in the FSB to investigate the alleged use of the sonic cannon. The Russians concluded that no such device was used on March 15. While not entirely satisfied with Vučić’s policies, Russia is using this opportunity to get even closer to him.

Students haven’t convinced Brussels to move closer. It seems Brussels once again prefers backing a leader over the people in the Balkans. The students’ isolation benefits Vučić. The fact that he hasn’t crushed them in almost six months shows the declining popularity of a politician who has ruled Serbia for thirteen years, with support from both the West and Russia.

This article was originally published on nap.ba

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